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Roma/Gypsies/Travellers of Europe

Roma/Gypsies/Travellers of Europe: An Examination of Discrimination and Racism

Draft report for Conference
in Leuven, Belgium, 17-19th January, 1998

Preface

The existence of racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism throughout Europe presents a major challenge for all those believe in equality, social justice and democracy. In response to this the victims of racism and anti-racist organisations have been campaigning and lobbying for constructive responses. Various studies have shown that racism is on the increase, that it takes on a variety of forms, targets different vulnerable groups, and manifests itself in covert and subtle ways as well as in overt and violent ways.

The European Parliament has adopted a range of resolutions in response to the situation. Likewise the Council of the European Communities and the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, meeting within the Council have also adopted resolutions recommending various actions to counter racism. In 1995 the European Commission issued a Communication and a proposal to designate 1997 as European Year Against Racism. Later that year the Council decided that the European Year Against Racism would go ahead. The objectives of the Year were:

to highlight the threat posed by racism to economic and social cohesion within the EU;
to encourage reflection and discussion on the measures required in order to combat racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism in Europe;
to promote the exchange of experience on good practice and effective strategies;
to disseminate information
to highlight the benefits of integration policies;
to learn from those who suffer from racism and to promote their participation in society.

The Irish National Committee for the European Year Against Racism fully supported these objectives and undertook a range of actions to implement them. One action which the Committee undertook with the support of the European Commission was to organise a transnational working seminar, in Leuven, on the specific forms of racism experienced by Roma/Gypsies/Travellers in the European Union. The purpose of this seminar is to raise awareness and to develop proposal and actions for EU responses to this racism. Prior to the seminar, participants were requested to complete a questionnaire on the situation of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers in their respective countries. These provided some information which is incorporated into this draft paper, which is intended to stimulate discussion and debate. On the basis of this discussion a final paper and seminar report will be produced, published and circulated. Recommendations based on the seminar will be presented to the European Commission and other relevant authorities at national and international level.

John O’Connell

Pavee Point

January, 1998

Acknowledgements

The Irish National Committee for the European Year Against Racism wish to acknowledge and thank DGV of the European Commission and also the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, and the NGO’s for making this seminar possible.

John O’Connell was requested by the Irish National Committee to write this report in consultation with some other members of the Committee and representatives from a number of other countries. The author wishes to thank all of those who assisted in the compilation of the report and takes responsibility for any mistakes or inaccuracies contained in it. The views expressed are not necessarily those of the Irish Committee or the European Commission.

Introduction

The Eurobarometer Report of a survey on Racism and Xenophobia in the European Union shows some interesting initial results. Some of these are positive and encouraging, others are negative and alarming. First the positive. The survey shows that a large majority of those interviewed attach great value to fundamental rights and freedoms, with 84% opposing any discrimination based on a person’s race, religion, or culture. Over 90% put equality before the law, and the right to education and training amongst the rights to be respected under all circumstances. Over 80% included the following rights: to legal protection against discrimination; to live with one’s family; to housing; to one’s own language and culture; to religious liberty and freedom of conscience; and to freedom of speech. Some 75% of interviewees welcomed the development of a multi-cultural society and 70% acknowledged that authorities should make efforts to improve the situation of people from minority groups. Nearly 80% rejected the idea of repatriation of all immigrants. 84% called for a strengthening of actions by European Union institutions to combat racism through legislation and support for organisations which oppose racism.

The Report pointed out that the phenomenon of racism is complex and that feelings of racism can co-exist with a strong belief in the democratic system and respect for fundamental social rights and freedoms. The replies to the more detailed questions reveal that those surveyed believe that there is a need to restrict the rights of those who are considered “problem” groups. It is in relation to this belief that the Report presents some worrying and indeed alarming results. Nearly 33% of those interviewed declared themselves as quite or very racist, with respondents from Belgium (22%), France (16%) and Austria (14%) at the top of the scale. People who described themselves as racist tended to feel personal insecurity and fear of the future, to be on the right of the political spectrum, to be over 55 years of age and to have left education early. Some 25% of those interviewed favoured the assimilation of minorities (i.e. giving up one’s culture in order to become fully accepted members of society). 40% considered that there were too many people from minority groups living in their country and 20% agreed with wholesale repatriation of all non-EU immigrants.

While the Report does not name the specific minority groups against whom people direct their racism, or about whom people hold hostile views and attitudes, this paper will try to demonstrate that Roma/Gypsies/Travellers are clearly among these groups. Furthermore, it will try to show that while the racism against Roma/Gypsies/Travellers has much in common with other forms of racism it also has its own specific characteristics and expressions. Before providing a brief country-by-country account of the situation of Roma, Gypsies, Travellers, this paper will first of all set out some key concepts and definitions as well as a typology of approaches to combating racism. The paper will also draw attention to some recent anti-discrimination developments at EU level and finally will conclude with a series of proposals and recommendations about what needs to be done.

Section 1 Discrimination and Racism: Definitions and Responses

Anti-Gypsy Racism

A major problem in compiling a report on the racism experienced by Roma/Gypsies/Travellers throughout Europe is the lack of reliable data and the inconsistencies in the data available. This lack of data is in line with the predominant use of assimilationist approaches in the development and implementation of policies. It also reflects what seems to have been the approach of many governments for long periods - that is, when the Gypsies and Travellers are ignored then “the problem” will go away. Consequently there is a lack of Gypsy visibility in many national and EU-level initiatives and programmes. A second problem in relation to drafting this report is the fact that addressing the issue of racism at transnational level is fraught with difficulties because of confusing and conflicting uses of terminology. Words and descriptions such as ‘race’, racism, racial discrimination, ethnicity, ethnocentrism and xenophobia; migrants, immigrants; regional, national, linguistic and visible minorities; are used in different ways in different countries. Obviously this poses challenges in terms of communication and mutual understanding and there is need for clarity in order to overcome this.

Despite these difficulties, what emerges very clearly from the examination of the situation of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers is that they are the victims of discrimination and racism throughout Europe. While this racism towards Roma/Gypsies/Travellers is similar in many aspects to the racism experienced by the groups in society it has its own specific features. In particular the negative stereotyping and scapegoating of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers has a long history and their exclusion is associated in particular with a rejection by dominant sedentary societies of nomadism and its related values and lifestyle. In the past this has involved banishment, exclusion, slavery, and even genocide. In recent years a renewed intensification of hostility towards Roma/Gypsies/Travellers has led some writers to describe them as “Outcasts of Europe” (Time, November 3, 1997), and to assert that “the Roma are the most vilified and harassed minority in Europe today. . . Roma have become the pariahs of Europe sharing a collective fate of rejection” (Brearley, 1996).

It is not surprising that the experience of Gypsies is sometimes compared to that of the Jews. The Gypsy dispersion and the Jewish Diaspora experiences do have much in common, especially in relation to the type of persecutions suffered and the fact that Gypsies and Jews were targeted by the Nazi regime for extermination. Clebert draws on biblical legends to show resemblances, stating that “some researchers have not hesitated to see them [Gypsies] as the cursed descendants of Cain” (Clebert, 1961, p. 23). In the Bible story, Cain the farmer killed Abel the shepherd and this is seen as providing an explanation for the origins of nomadism: “. . . you shall be a vagrant and a wanderer on Earth” (Genesis 4:12), The Bible specifies the trades which the descendants of Cain were to pursue:

“. . . Jabod who was the ancestor of herdsmen who live in tents, and his brother’s name was Jubal; he was the ancestor of those who play the harp and pipe. . . Tubal-Cain, the master of all copper-smiths and blacksmiths” (Genesis 4:19-22). The linking of these trades to those of nomads is understandable.

Just as Jews were vilified by some people within the Christian tradition for the rejection of Jesus as Messiah and the Crucifixion, so also Gypsies were associated with legends which linked them to the Crucifixion. Clebert recalls a legend from Macedonia about a Gypsy blacksmith being hired to forge the nails for the Crucifixion, and how this contributed to nomadism.

Historically, Gypsies were viewed as strange foreigners, and were often perceived as being associated with witchcraft and magic. Sedentary people were suspicious and distrustful of nomads engaged in such occupations as: peddlers, horse-dealers, public entertainers, smiths, exhibitors of performing animals, performers of spectacular feats, magicians and fortune-tellers. Negative images and stereotypes developed over the years and Gypsies were commonly accused of dupery and theft and were excommunicated and expelled as a result. “Roma, like the Jews, were attacked in sermons, books, drama and popular art, and thus demonised in the popular mind. Stereotypes of the Gypsy woman or the Jewess as a dangerous seductress and of the male Gypsy or Jew as a dark sinister threat featured widely in literature” (Brearley: 1996, p. 9).

Racism towards Roma, Gypsies/Travellers is not only manifested in the widespread acceptance of negative images and stereotypes used to legitimate their social exclusion but also in the living conditions they endure in virtually all countries. What is evident in the country-by country reports is that despite variations between different countries in terms of legislation, socio-economic contexts and policies, Roma/Gypsies/Travellers are among the most marginalized who experience extreme deprivation, poverty and disadvantage. Despite the lack of data, the picture which emerges is that they fare very poorly in terms of all the indicators used to measure equality and development: poverty and social exclusion, life expectancy, birth rates, infant mortality, health status, employment, accommodation, education and participation in socio-political institutions.

In order to develop a clearer analysis of this racism towards Roma/Gypsies/Travellers and how it contributed to their social exclusion, it is important to examine how racism is defined in the international context and also to take an overview of different approaches and responses to racism and the assumptions associated with these.

Racism and Racial Discrimination

Racism is a specific form of discrimination usually associated with skin colour and ethnicity. It is an ideology of superiority which provides a rationalisation for oppression. It also involves an abuse of power by one group over another group. So, while racism involves negative stereotypes and assumptions it should not be reduced simply to attitudes thereby equating it with prejudice. The reality of unequal power combined with prejudice enables some groups to treat others in racist ways by denying them access to opportunities, resources and decision-making processes.

UNESCO, in its Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice (1978) provides the following definition:

"Any theory which involves the claim that racial or ethnic groups are inherently superior or inferior, thus implying that some would be entitled to dominate or eliminate others, presumed to be inferior, or which bases value judgements on racial differentiation, has no scientific foundation and is contrary to the moral and ethical principles of humanity".

The UN International Convention of Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1969) defines racial discrimination as follows:

"Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life".

Approaches to Racism

While these working definitions have broad acceptance, the concept of racism is frequently contested among academics and others. There is the polarisation between those who argue that certain societies are inherently racist and those who claim that racism is a less serious issue related to the anti-social behaviour of some individuals. There are also a variety of approaches which can be categorised as follows: moral, biological, psychological, multi-cultural and structural (see table below).

The moral, psychological and cultural approaches tend to depoliticise the issue of racism by focusing almost exclusively on individual attitudes and behaviours dislocated from their social, political, economical, and historical contexts. Solutions based on the moral approach rightly draw attention to the reality that racism is a moral issue. The psychological approach, as Kovel argues, is by no means a sufficient tool for understanding the phenomenon of racism; it is, however, a necessary one: “Racism, far from being the simple delusion of a bigoted and ignorant minority, is a set of beliefs whose structure arises from the deepest levels of our lives - from the fabric of assumptions we make about the world, ourselves, and others, and from the patterns of our fundamental social activities.” Kovel shows how various fantasies and personality traits can coalesce into ‘race’ prejudice and how this sheds light on the history of racism: “Racist psychology is a prerequisite of racial institutions, and racist institutions engender a racist psychology.” (Kovel, 1971)

The biological approach draws attention to the objective reality of certain physical differences and the specific form of racism associated with skin colour. Anti-racism does not mean a denial of these differences but does challenge the social meanings and interpretations attributed to them. UNESCO statements have debunked the so-called scientific racism based on biological determinism. However, this theory keeps recurring in the form of socio-biology, even though most geneticists and biologists acknowledge that: “The designation of the world’s population into distinctive racial categories can no longer be considered a tenable scientific enterprise” (Troyna and Williams, 1986).

The multi-cultural approach is popular with many people perhaps because it is non-threatening, and can improve mutual appreciation and understanding between individuals and groups; it can also contribute to overcoming communication problems and misunderstanding, which may fuel racism. However this approach is criticised for diverting attention away from power differentials, structural oppression and for overestimating ignorance as the main factor in the creation of racism.

The structural approach provides a sociological framework for understanding racism in the context of changing historical, political, economic and social processes. This approach provides a mechanism for going beyond symptoms and for addressing root causes. It also exposes how routine practices and procedures result in black and minority ethnic groups having lower incomes, higher unemployment, worse health, accommodation and life chances than the majority population and less influence on the decisions which affect their lives. However, the approach has been accused of making inflated claims (see Miles, 1989) and for deterministic and doctrinaire explanations which ignore concrete situations and individual personalities. (Donald and Rattansi, 1992)

Typology of Approaches to Racism

APPROACH	ASSUMPTIONS	IMPLICATIONS
Moral	The issue of racism is viewed as an evil which results from original sin, human wickedness, or such human failing as greed, selfishness, and ignorance.	Efforts to tackle racism involve self-examination, change of attitude, aspiring to nobler moral values, and in affirming the dignity and worth of each individual.
Biological	Prejudice and racism are seen as natural and related to genetics. Biological differences such as skin colour are assumed to be associated with intellectual and/or moral capacities. Social disadvantages are portrayed as a reflection of innate inferiority.	Solutions to racism are sought through segregation (apartheid) and clear boundary maintenance.
Psychological	Learning experiences, personality traits and psychological processes are viewed as giving rise to certain attitudes which are described as racist. Certain personalities may be viewed as resulting in transferring blame onto others.	Solutions may be related to therapy, building confidence and self-esteem.
Multi-Cultural	Racism is understood as arising from the dynamics of cultural differences and tradition. A group may wish to retain its purity by excluding other cultural groups and by guarding its distinctive identity.	Solutions are sought through exchanges and exposure; improved communication; development of familiarity to language, customs and traditions.
Structural	The causes of racism are located within the main structural features and social processes of the dominant society. Structurally-created problems of poverty, unemployment, housing shortages and so on are seen as fuelling racial prejudice. Social structures (political, economic, ideological) are seen as restricting the life chances of minority ethnic groups.	Solutions are sought through legislation, codes of practice and affirmative action.

Section 2 Country-by-Country Report

Austria

In Austria the rise of the Freiheitliche Partei Osterreichs (FPO), which is associated with a tradition of anti-semitism and fascist organisations, has been accused of promoting racist policies against foreigners. Many Austrian Sinti deny or hide their identity because of a history of persecution. From the 17th century onwards Roma in all Hapsburg territories were forced to become sedentary. In the 18th century, during the reign of George II, Roma children were forcibly taken into care. During the Nazi regime there was a large concentration camp for Gypsies in Burgenland.

More recently, the horrors of that period were brought to mind by the explosion of a booby-trap bomb which killed four Gypsies at a camp in Oberwart in the Burgerland region bordering Hungary. (International Herald Tribune, 22/4/95) There have been reports of other attacks near Vienna. Roma and Sinti have been recognised as Austrian citizens since 1945 but were not included in Article 7 of neither the State Accord on Ethnic Minorities nor the 1976 legislation on ethnic groups. In 1989 the Roma and Sinti Gypsy Defence League was established to improve the living conditions of Roma and to obtain recognition as a minority ethnic group. This recognition was granted in 1994.

Most Roma and Sinti in Austria are among the disadvantaged in terms of below-average life expectancy, high drop-out rate from school, poverty and social exclusion (source: reports by the European Roma Rights Centre, Budapest).

Belgium

The growth in support for the Vlams Blok (VB) political party of Flanders, especially in Antwerp, corresponds with the Eurobarometer study which shows that 22% of those interviewed in Belgium openly admit to being racist. This growth is also reflected in the popularity of the slogan "Eigen Volk Eerst”: (our own people first) and associated xenophobic policies. One study commenting on the situation in Belgium states that "racial discrimination is frequently practiced openly, and is viewed as quite normal behaviour" (Forbes and Mead: 1992). Obviously this is not a very encouraging context for Roma/Travellers.

In Belgium the Constitution (Article 6) states that "All Belgians are equal before the law" and that "enjoyment of the rights and liberties to which Belgians are entitled must be safeguarded without discrimination." However, given the very restricted nature of Belgian citizenship this has little benefit for immigrants from places like Morocco, Turkey, Zaire, Algeria, Tunisia or the former Yugoslavia. Even though legislation was introduced in 1981-82 to suppress racism and to prohibit incitement to discrimination it appears that there are failures to effectively implement legislation in order to protect minorities. In fact municipalities use legislation on urbanisation to evict Roma/Travellers and to restrict nomadism. Roma support groups are critical of the assimilationist approach adopted in schools which do not cater for the specific needs of Roma. The media also frequently portray Roma in a negative way and images tend to be either of beggars and thieves on one hand or of musicians on the other.

At the provincial level there are policies to provide halting sites for nomadic and sedentary Roma and Travellers but there is a problem at the municipal levels because of a systematic refusal to build sites. Recently the Flemish community abandoned the idea of special schemes designed for Gypsies and migrants in favour of an integrated approach within the social service system, but there is a problem with implementation of this. The Comité National des Gens du Voyage mediates in cases involving site provision.

It is reported that Roma and Travellers in Belgium have a far lower life expectancy than average (54.8 : 74.8). There are many health-related problems, such as low take-up of immunisation services, low participation in the education system especially second-level and virtually no Travellers/Gypsies in third level (source: Machiels, T. Vlams Centrum Woonwagenwerk, unpublished).

Denmark

Reports on racism in Denmark refer mostly to minority ethnic groups from Turkey, the former Yugoslavia, Iran, Pakistan, Palestine, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, and Morocco. References to Roma are rare which is not surprising given the relatively small population of Roma there and the fact that this population is not very visible to the majority population. Legislation in Denmark (The Racial Discrimination Act, 1971) covers direct but not indirect discrimination and according to some critics "simplistic measures such as the unadorned criminal prosecution model chosen by Denmark are not sufficient to eliminate discrimination. " (see Wilkie: 1990). Anti-racists challenge the Progress Party (Fremskridspartiet) and the People's Movement Against Immigration because these are seen as promoting racism or xenophobia.

France

France has the second largest population of Gypsies (Tsiganes) in the European Union. Gypsies in France, along with other minorities especially from Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Turkey, Vietnam and Cambodia experience systematic disadvantage and racism. According to one analyst: "The French state sees nomadism as the main obstacle for 'normal' life for Gypsies" (Reyniers: "Innovation and change in Gypsy communities”, see Costarelli, 1993). Nomads in France are obliged, since 1969, to carry special identification papers (e.g. mobile tradesmen, construction workers, and Tsiganes with no regular source of income). There have been reports of Gypsies being obliged to report to police every three months (Inter-Press Service News, 8/3/93). The restrictions on nomadism effectively disenfranchises a large percentage of Tsiganes.

Commentators on the situation of Gypsies in France drew attention to the lack of halting sites, poor living conditions, marginalisation, and enforced dependency on social welfare. Local authorities are obliged since 1990 to provide halting sites for nomadic Gypsies but in practice strong local opposition tends to prevent this from happening. Sites are also regulated in ways which restrict Gypsy economic activities. The RMI (Revenu Minimum d'Insertion) scheme established in 1988 as a safety net is criticised for being overly bureaucratic involving long delays in processing applications. The Association for the care of Travellers (ASAV) has denounced deportations of Roma to Romania. There have also been reports of forced evictions of Roma from Nanterre in the suburbs of Paris (IRR, Reports).

There is legislation in France to prohibit racism. For instance, in the preamble to the Constitution all forms of racial discrimination are condemned. Article 2 of the Constitution contains the following: "France is a republic, indivisible secular, democratic and social . It shall ensure the equality of all citizens before the law, without distinction of origin, race or religion. it shall respect all beliefs." But non-citizens or "aliens" are not protected by this. An act of Parliament in 1972 outlaws racism and the French Criminal Code prohibits discrimination in employment. However, despite the recognition of discrimination against people on the basis of membership of an ethnic group, there is no direct jurisprudence in respect of groups and Gypsy identity is associated with lifestyle rather than ethnicity. Challenges to racism in France have to be taken at an individual level, thereby removing the opportunity to prove the existence of racism against specific ethnic groups.

Despite these shortcomings, the recent financial penalties imposed on Mr. Le Pen, leader of Front National (FN), for incitement to racism provides encouragement for such anti-racist organisations as Mouvement Contra le Racism et pour l'amitié entre les peuples (MRAP).

Germany

In Germany citizenship and naturalisation is very restricted and there is considerable support for extreme right organisations and neo-Nazi groups. The Constitution 3(3) does have provision to counter discrimination:

“No one may be prejudiced or favoured because of his sex, his parentage, his race, his language, his homeland and origin, his faith or his religion or political opinions.”

Nevertheless, Roma are denied status as a ‘national minority’ and are regarded instead as ‘a socially marginalized group.’

There is a relatively large Sinti and Roma population in Germany. Over the past decade this population has increased with the arrival of Roma asylum-seekers from Macedonia, Romania and the former Yugoslavia. The new immigrants went mostly to Essen, Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Dusseldorf, Mainz, Mannheim, Berlin and Hamburg. The German authorities (e.g. the Westphalian government) have repatriated Roma to Macedonia (1990) on the basis that these were economic and not political refugees. There were also deportations to Romania and a refusal to accept that persecution of Roma in Romania merited political asylum (Helsinki Watch Report, 1991). Roma/Sinti support groups have drawn attention to widespread incidents of racism such as arson attacks and harassment. This is consistent with research carried out by the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Wuppental which showed that over 37% of students admitted their prejudice towards Gypsies, who were at the top of their list of despised groups (Roma Rights Newsletter).

In a call for greater solidarity, one prominent Gypsy spokesperson makes a self-critical observation about the hostility of German Sinti towards Roma from Eastern Europe:

“This is part of the Gypsy misfortune. The behaviour of some Gypsies towards others can be worse than that of non-Gypsies towards our race as a whole. . . The Sinti are much better off than the Roma, who have only recently arrived, and so regard them with contempt. The Roma often live in tents and slums, some are thieves and beggars, and the Sinti shun them, not wanting to be identified with these brethren for whom they have no feeling because they have had no contacts. To the Germans, however, both are simply Ziggeuner, the only difference being that some speak German and others do not.

(Romany Rose quoted in N.B. Tomasevic and R. Djuric: 1989)

This dilemma of insider versus outsider is evident among Gypsies in all countries and is sometimes used by opponents as a divide and conquer tactic. It makes it more difficult to challenge the intense public hostility towards Roma/Gypsies/Travellers.

Greece

Gypsy support groups in Greece draw attention to the marginalisation of Gypsies (Tziganes): severe accommodation problems, lack of sanitary facilities, lack of education and high levels of illiteracy, negative stereotypes, restrictions on Gypsy trading, loss of cultural identity, and an underdeveloped political consciousness. There are frequent articles in the Greek press portraying Gypsies as parasites, beggars, as being involved in fraud, or as drug-dealers. There have also been reports of police raids on Roma settlements (e.g. Ano Liosia, 1996, 1997), destruction of personal property and illegal detention of some residents (see Roma Rights, Spring 1997).

Article 5(2) of the Greek Constitution stipulates that:

“all persons living within the Greek territory shall enjoy full protection of their life, honour, and freedom, irrespective of their nationality, race or language, or of religious or political beliefs.”

The Greek Civil Code guarantees civil rights to foreign nationals on the same basis as Greek citizens. However, in practice there is widespread discrimination and a failure to introduce and implement adequate procedures to protect minorities, especially Roma.

Ireland

Travellers are widely acknowledged as one of the most marginalized and disadvantaged groups in Irish society. Travellers fare poorly on every indicator used to measure disadvantage: unemployment, poverty, social exclusion, health status, infant mortality, life expectancy, illiteracy, education and training levels, access to decision making and political representation, gender equality, access to credit, accommodation and living conditions. It is not surprising therefore, that the Economic and Social Research Institute concluded that " ... the circumstances of the Irish Travelling people are intolerable. No humane and decent society, once made aware of such circumstances, could permit them to persist". (ESRI, July 1986, Paper no. 131). The ESRI also stated that Irish Travellers are "... a uniquely disadvantaged group: impoverished, under-educated, often despised and ostracised, they live on the margins of Irish society".

After generations of ignoring Travellers altogether, government policies in relation to Travellers began to be formulated in the early 1960’s modelled on developments in the Netherlands. These policies were explicitly assimilationist with ‘itinerancy’ seen as the key problem to be solved. Subsequent policy focused more on integration with a gradual shift from a ‘culture of poverty’ approach to a human-rights approach. More recently as a result of lobbying by Travellers and Traveller support groups there has been a greater recognition of Traveller cultural identity and Travellers have been mentioned explicitly in protective legislation. However there was strong resistance to an attempt by the government to introduce Equal Status legislation which would address explicitly the discrimination against Travellers. This remains an ongoing area of debate and campaigns.

There has been a strong denial of the existence of racism towards Travellers among many within Ireland although it is accepted that they experience discrimination. Evidence for the existence of anti-Traveller racism is gathered from political and media discourse which is shown to involve a racialisation process inferring the inferiority of Travellers (O’Connell, 1997). Apart from the negative stereotypes and segregating of Travellers in such discourse, Travellers experience discrimination in a variety of ways.

Individuals, when recognised as Travellers, are sometimes arbitrarily refused entry or access to public places or services. Individuals often experience verbal or physical abuse because of their identity. Individual Travellers have also reported incidents of insurance companies refusing to provide them with motor insurance cover. Travellers frequently have difficulty obtaining hotels for wedding receptions. Many policies, procedures, and practices reflect either a lack of acceptance or a total denial of Traveller identity. For many years Travellers experienced segregation in the provision of social welfare services. Negative stereotypes and scapegoating of Travellers are commonplace. The current policy of the Department of Education is based on the promotion of integration, not segregation, in schools. Nevertheless, Travellers are critical of a system which they feel undermines or largely ignores their identity in the curriculum and school ethos despite the extra capitation grants provided by the government for schools with Travellers among their pupils.

There is also a clear gender dimension to the Traveller experience of racism. Many Traveller women are more easily identifiable than Traveller men, and are therefore more likely to experience discrimination. Sometimes evictions are carried out when Traveller men are away, leaving women to deal with the brunt of male verbal and physical abuse. But above all Traveller women, as mothers, home-makers and carers, have to make do with low incomes, in poor living circumstances, without basic facilities such as running water and sanitation.

Travellers with a disability have usually been cared for in institutions, where assimilation was the norm and where little or no consideration was given to cultural identity.

The most public and controversial area where anti-Traveller discrimination arises is in relation to the provision of accommodation. Local authorities and resident associations are accused by Travellers and Traveller support groups of turning the accommodation issue into a political football. Elected local councillors are keenly aware that their political survival depends on the support of local residents who easily outnumber Travellers. Resident associations make their opposition to Travellers living in ‘their’ areas very clear. Local authorities in turn have undertaken a ‘boulder policy’ which involves placing large rocks along the roadsides where Travellers camped or might camp illegally. This is combined with evictions of Travellers from unofficial camping sites. Gardaí and/or private security firms are sometimes involved in the carrying out of these evictions.

The deplorable living circumstances of many Travellers, because of the lack of suitable accommodation, is a crucial factor in the poor health of Travellers. The life expectancy of Travellers is far below the national average, with Traveller men and Traveller women living on average ten years and twelve years less than their sedentary peers, respectively. Traveller infant mortality is more than twice that of the majority population. These realities, combined with a failure to address them comprehensively, are seen by politicised Travellers and Traveller support groups as other manifestations of institutional racism.

Italy

There is a large population of Roma/Sinti/Zinari in Italy, many of whom have been living there for generations while others are immigrants from the former Yugoslavia. An estimated 40,000 Roma are said to live on the outskirts of the main cities (Rome, Florence, Turing, Bologna, Milan, Venice, Genoa, Naples). Many of these Roma immigrants live in deplorable circumstances without basic facilities and services, faced with raids and evictions (see Roma Rights, Autumn 1997). Emergency facilities are needed to cover for basic needs along with a comprehensive package of positive action and capacity-building measures. Italy has been an attractive destination for immigrants from many African countries, Iran, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, and Albania. This is partly due to the extensive underground economy which provides opportunities for clandestine, temporary jobs. Unfortunately, immigrants, and especially Roma, sometimes become the targets of right-wing groups such as the Moviemento Politico neo-Nazi skinhead organisation, which is alleged to have led attacks on Roma in recent years.

According to the Italian Constitution:

“All citizens are invested with equal social status and are equal before the law, without distinction as to sex, race, language, religion, political opinion and personal or social conditions. “

There is government legislation to protect against discrimination but according to commentators there is poor implementation of this in practice (see Forbes and Mead, 1992). There are reports of many racist incidents against Gypsies throughout Italy (see IRR, European Race Audit, 1995).

Since 1973, the Italian government has issued circulars in order to protect the culture of Roma and to challenge prejudice. With greater decentralisation in recent decades there have been some positive regional initiatives in relation to Roma, such as calls for respect for their cultural identity. However, despite these developments, Italian Gypsies continue to experience widespread discrimination and marginalisation: negative stereotypes are commonplace, lack of sites and bad living conditions, and problems associated with loss of cultural identity.

Another issue, probably not unique to Rome or Italy exposed unequal treatment of Gypsy girls. This emerges from a study of the penal aspect of juvenile justice in Rome which showed that Gypsy girls tend to be dealt with more severely than girls from the majority population: “. . . half of them are sent for trial, compared with only 21.6 per cent of Italian girls: very few of them are accorded amnesty and no gypsy girl is dismissed on the grounds of immaturity” (Cippollini, 1989). The study shows the need for legal assistance to protect Roma/Gypsies/Travellers from abuses and unequal treatment.

The Netherlands

In the Netherlands a distinction is made between Travellers or caravan dwellers (Woonwagenbewoners) and Gypsies (Roma). There are an estimated 20,000 of the former, considered as indigenous Dutch, and about 3,500 of the latter considered as from abroad (Hungary and the former Yugoslavia). The Dutch government introduced a law on caravans in 1918, which made it necessary to have a license and specified certain conditions in order to occupy a caravan or houseboat. This had some positive results because it put an end to expulsions by local authorities. It was also the beginning of caravan camps, which tended to be located in isolated areas, which contributed to a stigmatising of Travellers.

The next crucial phase was during the German occupation. The Germans issued new regulations and controls on ‘foreign’ caravan dwellers, which in effect had implications for all Travellers by restricting movement. In 1944, 245 Dutch ‘Gypsies’ were deported to Auschwitz with the cooperation of the Dutch government (Willems, W. and Lucassen, L., 1990). A new bill required the central registering of Travellers and legislation was enacted in relation to free movement.

After the war, Travellers regained their right to free movement until 1947 when a new state commission introduced a ban on travelling. It was the beginning of large regional camps with basic facilities and special education for Traveller children. In 1968 the Caravan Act was enacted with the stated objective of improving the social position of Travellers. Critics allege that it had the opposite results, because of its assimilationist approach.

The history of Travellers in the Netherlands contains lots of evidence of discrimination and racism. The notion of ‘difference was frequently equated with deviance and Travellers were mistrusted, viewed as criminals, seen as dirty and as social parasites. Assimilation and modernization policies contributed to a stigmatisation of Travellers so that they are at the bottom of the social ladder. Travellers have also been subjected to special police surveillance (Cottaar, A, 1990).

Norway

In the Nordic countries officials may grant recognition to Roma but are far more reluctant to recognise Taters. In Norway, Travellers or Taters were equated with vagrants and the official policy was one of assimilation (see Halvorsen and Hvinden, 1997). The Norwegian Mission for the Homeless was seen by the municipal authorities as having special competency for dealing with Taters. Government policies and private agencies tried to put an end to nomadism and Taters were subjected to extensive surveillance and social control. "Taters were seen as a parasitic group, as dangerous, and immoral or anomic individuals threatening to the order of larger society" (Schuter, 1993).

"The Travellers have, throughout history, been strongly discriminated against as a minority group in Norway, with regard to legislation and official understanding, which have been restrictive and racist. A consequence of this has been a devaluation of the Travellers. They are regarded as inferior and of low status” (Schuter, 1993).

As in some other countries an element of the assimilation process involved putting Tater children into care and foster homes. In the media there have been discussions about ways of 'solving' the Tater problem through internment and sterilisation.

Schuter comments on how the long history of rejection and exclusion has had very negative consequences for the self-esteem of the Taters, as well as loss of cultural identity, ghettoisation and concludes the following from this: "Travellers, therefore, protect themselves against the majority society and they have developed various strategies to achieve this, for instance rejection, withdrawal or anger and aggression, or perhaps also sanctions."

In more recent years the Romani People's National Association (Romanifolkets Landsforenng: RFL) has tried to adopt a very different approach with a view to facilitating the organisation and mobilisation of Taters. RFL has lobbied officials and the government to desist from using negative labels such as 'vagrants' and 'scroungers' when referring to Travellers and is trying to reclaim the term taken from its pejorative connotations. It has also called for recognition of Taters as a minority ethnic group whose cultural identity needs to be protected and resourced. (Halvorsen and Hvinden, 1997)

Portugal

Gypsies (Cigana) are among the most marginalized and disadvantaged groups in Portuguese society. While the vast majority are sedentary as a result of a long process of assimilation there is still a significant number of nomadic and semi-nomadic families. Most live on or near the large cities in precarious circumstances. The Gypsy population is very young with 15 as the median age and there are very elderly Gypsies due to low life expectancy. The marginalisation of Gypsies is evident in all aspects of life, education, social integration, and employment. There are many reports of Gypsies being associated with drugs as users or dealers and this adds to their negative treatment by the majority population.

Discrimination and racism towards Gypsies is widespread and this is propagated by media coverage which reinforces negative stereotypes. Support from Gypsies is provided by the Institute for the Advancement of and Pastoral Care of the Gypsies with diocesan branches in a number of cities. This provides a support structure for Gypsies and offers training programmes and advocacy as well as raising awareness and appreciation for Gypsy culture among the wider population. Every June there is a National Day for the Gypsy People to celebrate their cultural identity. In 1991 the Ministry of Education set up a Secretariat for the coordination of a education programme with a view to creating a better understanding of cultural diversity. This was welcomed by Gypsy support groups (Reis, F., unpublished report).

The Portuguese Constitution (Article 13) contains an anti-discrimination clause: "All citizens shall have the same social dignity and are equal before the law." Another article supplements this to cover residents as well as citizens. However there is no code of practice in relation to employment practices to prevent discrimination and minority ethnic groups are represented disproportionately among the low-paid and long-term unemployed, with the Gypsies at the lowest rung on the social ladder. There is also a lack of social policies to deal with the needs and rights of minority ethnic groups.

Recently the Portuguese government appointed a High Commission for Ethnic Minorities who formed a working group to deal with racism. The Municipality of Lisbon also approved a local Council for Immigrant Communities and Ethnic Minorities in order to draw up relevant policies for these groups.

Spain

The Gypsy (Gitano) population in Spain is a very significant minority comprising an estimated 2% of the national population and about 4.3% of the population in Andalusia. With such a large population it is not surprising that there is a lot of diversity within the Gypsy community in terms of social status, economic and political circumstances, levels of education and living conditions.

As in other countries the Spanish government for many years pursued policies of assimilation and sedentarism. However, following from the adoption of a democratic constitution in 1977 Gypsies began to develop their own organisations, sometimes with official support and approval. Recognition of Gypsy culture and identity is evident in the establishment of a National Plan for Gypsies with an accompanying budget to promote various initiatives.

Some Gypsies in Spain have been acclaimed as musicians and for their contribution to flamenco, others have become professionals and there has been a Gypsy member of the European Parliament. Nevertheless, many Gypsies live in poverty, are marginalized and socially excluded. Drug abuse and delinquency are problems, especially among young people who are marginalized. The age structure of the Gypsy population in Spain is similar to that of Gypsies/Travellers in other countries - about 50% under 15 and a very small percentage over 60. There are also many problems in terms of education and training, and this adds to the exclusion from the labour market. Most Gypsies prefer self-employment and engage in market training.

There are reports of widespread hostility to Gypsies which manifests itself in the media, harassment, evictions, and occasional attacks by mobs. To counteract such hostility and to improve the socio-economic circumstances of Gypsies there are numerous Gypsy associations and support groups.

Sweden

In Sweden the term Tater is rarely found anymore in official social policy discourse because of the pejorative connotations associated with it. The preferred term is Traveller/Resandefolker. A member of the community is quoted describing the situation in the following way: "They've taken much away from us: the culture, the language, the way we would like to live. . ." (Halvorsen and Hvinder, 1997) Policies in the past were strongly opposed to nomadism and aimed at assimilation. The result has been that Travellers are frequently not visible and are not in a position to organise and mobilise effectively.

Roma in Sweden are recognised as full citizens and have formal equality but it is admitted that they experience discrimination in shops restaurants, housing, and on the labour market. Roma members claim that they experience difficulties also with police. In Sweden discrimination is forbidden by law, but in practice Roma, and especially the more recognisable women in traditional dress, experience xenophobia. The media, however, are relatively careful in its coverage of minority ethnic issues.

Efforts by the Swedish government to integrate Roma into society are viewed as having only limited success. A Working Group has been established by the government to propose new methods to improve the situation for Roma.

An Ombudsman, appointed in 1986, has the task of monitoring cases of discrimination, racism and xenophobia against minority ethnic groups. The Nordic Romani Council operates at national level, including Roma organisations from other countries, and includes anti-racism as one of its responsibilities. There are a number of local Roma organisations as well. Work to combat racism and xenophobia in Sweden relies on the monitoring and implementation of legislation and proper procedures by the police and judiciary to ensure equality.

One of the acknowledged features of the situation of Roma and Travellers in Sweden is poor participation in the education system, and consequently, lack of qualifications. Obviously this has implications for accessing the labour market and. given the heavy reliance on integration as a means to social equality, raises many questions about the capacity of Swedish society to be truly multi-cultural and multi-ethnic (source: Storck, unpublished report).

United Kingdom

There has been a long history of anti-racist struggles and debates in the U.K. and there is extensive legislation against discrimination. The 1976 Race Relations Act covers direct and indirect discrimination in the Employment area. Local authorities have developed a range of measures to tackle racism and to promote equality. Nevertheless there is still a high level of racial harassment and violence and there are active groups associated with the National Front which promote racist ideas and actions. Northern Ireland was not covered by the 1976 Act but did introduce new legislation, the Race Relations (N.I.) Order 1977, to combat racism, with an explicit reference to protect Travellers. A Commission for Racial Equality for Northern Ireland was also established.

There is a large Gypsy/Traveller population in the UK which is divided into different groups, often referred to as Romanichals, Gypsies and Travellers. Travellers is the term usually used to refer to those originating from Scotland and Ireland.

In the U.K., local authorities have a responsibility to provide accommodation for Gypsies/Travellers. The 1960 Caravan Sites Act empowered local authorities to provide sites but few councils provided sites. The 1968 Caravan Sites Act made it a duty for local authorities to use those powers to provide "adequate accommodation" for Gypsies "residing in or resorting to their area." The term "Gypsies" was used to refer to "persons of nomadic habit of life whatever their race or origin. . ." but it excluded travelling showmen or people engaged in circuses.

But there is still a huge shortfall in provisions, with an estimated 40% of nomadic families without legal halting sites. Gypsies also face sanctions for camping within "designated areas" (i.e. areas where a local authority can demonstrate that it has already provided accommodation for Gypsies there). Gypsies and their support groups have challenged this, accusing the authorities of discriminatory policies in conflict with the 1976 Act. In 1994 the introduction of Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, ostensibly to counter 'New Age Travellers', added further difficulties for Travellers/Gypsies.

There have been some progressive developments in the area of education for Gypsies/Travellers in the United Kingdom, partly because of developments in the provision of education in the context of a multi-ethnic society, and partly because of specific positive active measures for Travellers/Gypsies. Nevertheless there remains a major challenge to improve continuity and progression for many Gypsies/Travellers within the schooling system.

Towards the end of 1997 the arrival in Dover of 234 Roma from the Czech Republic and Slovakia seeking political asylum in Britain provoked an outburst of anti-Gypsy racism. The Dover Express referred to them as "freeloaders and spongers". The Daily Mail said "Ministers warn Slovak Gypsies, Keep Out". One commentator stated: "Britain's reaction of disdain and dismissal reflected an attitude so ingrained across the Continent that it hardly occurs to Europeans to consider it racism." (James Walsh, Time, Nov. 3, 1997)

A writer in The Observer stated: "Everyone, it seems, has decided the Gypsies are not refugees but economic migrants seeking to improve their lot. And the anger has been nationwide." It also quoted the chief executive of the Refugee Council, who said that the name Gypsies feeds people preconceived prejudices about their lifestyle (The Observer, 21 October, 1997).

Section 3 Proposals and Recommendations

1. Roma/Gypsy/Traveller organisations and support groups need to be fully informed of recent developments at EU level, and in particular of the potential created by the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty which includes a non-discrimination clause and the establishment of the European Monitoring Centre for Racism and Xenophobia.

2. Research and experience show that there are some key factors which contribute to racism such as: dissatisfaction with one’s life circumstances, fear of unemployment, feelings of insecurity about the future, and a low confidence in the way public authorities and political establishments function. If EU institutions, national and local governments are to be effective in tackling the root causes of racism, which they must if they are to defend human rights and fundamental freedoms, then it is imperative that they address these key factors.

3. In the reform of the regulations governing EU Structural Funds there is need for mainstreaming of equality and exclusion across all operation programmes. Within this there is need for a specific targeting of minority groups including Roma/Gypsy/Travellers.

4. Special EU initiatives need to ensure that Roma/Gypsy/Traveller projects are included in positive action measures, e.g. Fifth Action Framework for Equality between Women and Men; Targeted Social Research, etc.

5 Ongoing funding with specific budget lines to promote interculturalism and to eliminate racism need to address the situation of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers.

6 EU anti-racist initiatives need to address the situation of third-country nations (some of whom are Roma) with regard to resident’s rights, voting rights and free movement.

7. Given the relatively large Roma population in Central and Eastern European countries there is need for co-operation and co-ordination between EU institutions, the Council of Europe and the OSCE to counter racism targeted against Roma/Gypsies/Travellers and to promote better communication and understanding.

8. There is a need to counter the racist activities and policies of extreme right-wing political parties with a racist agenda and also neo-Nazi groups which engage in racial harassment.

9. Social inclusion and social integration should not be equated with the homogenisation of minority ethnic groups. Gypsy/Traveller/Roma cultural identities much be recognised and respected while at the same time acknowledging that culture is not a static phenomenon but one which evolves and develops in such a way that new ethnic markers are created. In other words, the seeming paradox of constructively resourcing ethnic identity, can also contribute to the development of a more inclusive and multi-cultural society, while making ethnicity one rather than the only or major form of identity.

10. Roma/Gypsies/Travellers have survived centuries of forced assimilation and persecutions resulting in alienation and consequently are perceived as adopting a suspicious and defensive stance towards society in general. Against this background and in the context of ongoing social ostracism, Roma/Gypsy Traveller ethnic identities have a tendency to become totalising thereby rendering almost irrelevant other identities and loyalties within civil society. In order to deal with this alienation there is a need for initiatives at EU and national levels which create the conditions for Roma/Gypsies/Travellers to develop, within a multi-cultural context, other equally significant forms of identity. Only then will they see themselves as full citizens with a sense of belonging, sharing in society’s core values, having a say in government, engaging in cultural practices, advancing through education, training and employment.

11. International legal instruments, such as conventions, treaties and directives are important because they make explicit values, norms and standards and specify human rights as defined by the wider society. These instruments place some pressure on governments to introduce domestic legislation to prohibit discrimination and legislation. Such legislation is essential for the protection of minorities such as Roma/Gypsies/Travellers. But the value of legislation is greatly reduced unless there is effective implementation, as well as ongoing monitoring, independent agencies to take cases to court, clear and accessible means for dealing with grievances, tribunals and positive action programmes.

12. The newly-established European Monitoring Centre based in Vienna needs to undertake a special initiative to address the specific forms of racism experienced by Roma/Gypsy/Travellers. The Centre needs to be able to provide reliable and comparable data at European level on the causes of this racism and how it impacts on Roma/Gypsies/Travellers in relation to: freedom of movement, employment and economic identity, media portrayal, education, training, social inclusion and civic engagement, and cultural identity.

13. Building on the achievements and momentum of the European Year Against Racism there is a need to ensure that Roma/Gypsies/Travellers are explicitly included in any follow-up initiatives such as: action plans, round-table discussion and consultations.

14. Roma/Gypsy/Traveller organisations and support groups need to engage with the process of roundtable discussions at national and EU levels in order to ensure that the proposed platform of anti-racist NGO’s is developed in a way which is relevant for them.

15. Anti-racism and human rights organisations and networks at national and international levels need to be alerted and sensitised to the specific needs and concerns of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers in order to facilitate their appropriate inclusion in activities and programmes.

16. Roma/Gypsy/Travellers organisations and support groups need to be resourced and facilitated to engage constructively in the organisation, mobilisation, representation and advocacy of their members in order to overcome alienation, social ostracism, poverty and exclusion. In this way, active participation and partnerships can be developed which will promote social cohesion and interculturalism.

17. Given the heterogeneity of Roma/Gypsy/Traveller groups, there is need for greater solidarity and co-operation. A prerequisite for this is a rejection of the search for the ‘true’ Gypsy and an acceptance of respect for the various groups of diverse nomadic origin throughout Europe. Strategic alliances need to be developed in order to promote such solidarity.

18. All cultures, including those of Roma/Gypsies/Travellers, contain elements which can be dehumanising and oppressive. There is a challenge therefore to resolve tensions and conflicts between communal rights and individual rights, between cultural autonomy and the rights of specific groups (such as women, children, and disabled persons) as defined in international human rights instruments. In order to approach such potentially controversial issues in a constructive and critical way there is a need for dialogue based on equality and mutual respect. Innovative initiatives are required to enable this to happen including capacity-building measures and the organisation of fora, cross-cultural exchanges and networks.

19. Employers, trade-unions, government agencies, regional and local authorities, education institutions, academics, religious bodies, the media, professional organisations, non-government and grass-roots organisations, and the victims of racism themselves need to be mobilised into partnerships in the fight against racism and xenophobia, and in the valuing of diversity and multi-ethnicity.

20. In solidarity with other anti-racist organisations, Roma/Gypsy/Traveller support groups need to develop strategic alliances in order to eliminate all forms of discrimination, racism, anti-Semitism and Xenophobia.

Appendix

Estimates of Roma, Gypsy Traveller Populations

Austria	15,000 - 20,000
Belgium	10,000 - 15,000
Denmark	2,500 - 4,500
Finland	5,000 - 8,000
France	200,000 - 300,000
Germany	85,000 - 120,000
Greece	140,000 - 200,000
Ireland	20,000 - 27,000
Italy	85,000 - 120,000
Netherlands	30,000 - 40,000
Norway	1,000 - 5,000
Portugal	50,000 - 100,000
Sweden	15,000 - 30,000
Spain	300,000 - 400,000
Switzerland	15,000 - 20,000
United Kingdom	80,000 - 100,000

There is a dearth of reliable data; these figures are based on reports by Roma Rights Centre, Minority Rights Group, Centre de recherches tsiganes, and UNICEF.

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